Le più belle rappresentazioni di guerrieri

[King John]

1 ora fa, VALTERI dice:

Quasi una vita fa , ho avuto una moneta in bronzo al nome di Giovanni Kapodistrias , primo capo di governo della Grecia appena indipendente ( 1831 ) .

Ricordo che aveva anche quella l'immagine dell'Araba Fenice .

Sì, Kapodistrias introdusse la fenice quale simbolo della Grecia risorta dalla dominazione turca. Al riguardo è stato pubblicato un interessante articolo su Panorama Numismatico (luglio/agosto 2016) di Andrea Lucchi, articolo che non vedo online (se ti interessa  lo scannerizzo e te lo mando). Nel 2013, sempre su PN, è stato pubblicato questo articolo:

http://www.panorama-numismatico.com/le-prime-monete-della-grecia-moderna/

[VALTERI]

Ricordo ancora abbastanza bene : un 20 Lepta 1831 un poco usurato e con colpi  , diciamo un MB+  .

La parola Kapodistrias mi aveva allora incuriosito per la sua assonanza geografica e mi ero documentato scoprendo così l'esistenza del personaggio storico che mi era ignoto .

Aggiungo una immagine su carta-valore , del personaggio

Modificato 4 Maggio, 2017 da VALTERI

[King John]

Magnesia, Ionia, AE21. 190 BC.

Helmeted head of Athena right.
MAGNHTWN EUKLHS KRATINOS above and beneath rider in military
dress, on horseback galloping right, holding couched
lance in right hand.

BMC 44; SNG von Aulock 2043; SNG Munich 608.

[King John]

Moneta coniata in Grecia in onore di Tito Quinzio Flaminino che battè Filippo V di Macedonia a Cinocefale nel 197 a.C. (sotto un'immagine di quella battaglia). 

 

The Collection of Roman Republican Coins of a Student and his Mentor Part III 
T. Quinctius Flamininus. Stater, Chalkis (?) Circa 196, AV 8.53 g. Bare head of Titus Quinctius Flamininus r. Rev. Nike, standing l., holding palm branch in l. hand and crowning legend with wreath in extended r. hand, T QVINCTI upwards. Babelon Quinctia 1. Bahrfeldt 9b. Biaggi 9. Kraay-Himer pl. 175, 579. Carson BMQ 1955, 11. Kent-Hirmer 29. C. Botrè, RIN XCVI, p. 49. C. Botrè, SNR 76 pp. 65-73. RBW 1857. Crawford 548/1b. 
Of the highest rarity, only ten specimens known of which only six are in private hands. 
An issue of tremendous historical importance and great fascination. A wonderful 
Hellenistic portrait of fine style, several edge marks, 
otherwise about extremely fine
Ex M&M sale 73, 1998, 149.This specimen is struck on the same weight standard as the almost contemporary Macedonian issues made for local circulation; its considerable historical interest derives from its bearing the portrait of a living Roman more than a century before it was to be acceptable to a republic which at that time was only just begininning to allow magistrates’ monograms to appear on the Roma head denarii. It was surely struck immediately after the victory of T. Quinctius Flamininus over the troops of Philip V of Macedon in June 197 at Cynocephalae. The most likely explanation of the issue is to be sought in a desire to publicise, in a land accustomed to seeing the heads of its kings upon the coinage, the appearance of the conquering Roman general, not as part of a personality cult (unthinkable for a Roman of the time), but rather in order to convey through the medium of coinage, here certainly used for the time by the Romans in so dramatic a way, yet in a fashion wholly comprehensible to the native population, the importance of Roman victory. Portraiture has long been recognized as the hallmark of Roman coinage, and since the gold staters of T. Quinctius Flamininus are the forbearers of that tradition, they are understandably among the great prizes of ancient coinage. The coin portrait was a Persian invention of the late 5th Century B.C. that was embraced by the Greeks about a century later, and was reluctantly adopted by the Romans in the 40s B.C. Once that Roman taboo was shattered by Julius Caesar and his successors, coin portraits became a tradition in which no Roman could find fault or shame. But the gold staters of Flamininus predate this by more than 150 years, and it is that quality, in concert with their beauty, historical context and rarity that make them the object of such admiration. Only a remarkable circumstance could account for such an issue, and we find it in 196 B.C., in the aftermath of the Roman defeat of the Macedonian army of King Philip V. It was a moment of great triumph, Rome’s international prestige reached a new height. The Romans had first encountered a professional Greek army in Southern Italy when they fought Pyrrhus, the king of Epirus, late in the 3rd Century B.C. Later still, the Romans defeated the Illyrians in 228 and 219, securing their first foothold in the Balkan peninsula. In doing so, however, they aroused the suspicions of the Macedonian King Philip V, who opened a second front against Rome in the midst of its terrifying war with Hannibal. Rome forged alliances with the Aetolians and other Greeks to keep Philip V at bay while they remained focused on Hannibal. Only in 205, after Rome had turned the tide against Carthage, were they in a position to negotiate peace with the Macedonians. The Romans had not forgotten the liberties Philip took during their time of weakness, and in 200 they intervened in his affairs at the request of their own allies in Greece and Asia. The consul Galba and his successor made little headway over the course of two years, but when Flamininus became a consul in 198 he fought with great vigour in Greece and Macedon. Upon learning that his consular powers would be renewed for the following year, Flamininus sabotaged the Macedonian diplomatic efforts so he could exact a more favorable settlement through his anticipated military success. His gamble paid off, and Flamininus roundly defeated the Macedonian at Cynoscephalae in 197. If possible, the terms for peace were more devastating than the battle: though Philip remained king of Macedon, he had to free every Greek city from his yoke, to pay an indemnity of 1,000 talents, and to forfeit all but six vessels from his navy. Thus we find the context for this gold stater: when Flamininus, on behalf of himself and the senate of Rome, proclaimed the freedom of all the cities of Greece. It is likely these coins were struck as a donative to the victorious army, though we probably will never know if the coins were produced by Flamininus or by the thankful Greeks. At least a portion of the mintage was paid to Roman legionnaires, since several of the known specimens have been found in Italy, and presumably were brought home by veterans of the Second Macedonian War (who returned to Italy almost immediately). In all but its Latin inscription, this coin is Greek. Its denomination is the attic-weight stater, its style and fabric are consistent with Greek coins of the period, its use of a portrait on the obverse (even if not diademed in a regal fashion) derives from the legacy of Greek royal portraiture and, finally, its reverse design is based upon the gold staters of the type introduced by Alexander the Great. They probably were distributed at the Isthmian Games in the summer of 196, the deadline by which Philip was to have withdrawn his garrisons from all Greek cities; it was an ideal occasion for Flamininus to proclaim his universal freedom, for Greeks had gathered there from throughout the Mediterranean world.

[King John]

La chiamata alle armi nell'Italia repubblicana...

E nell'antica Roma..

[King John]

Coins of Thessaly, the BCD Collection
Skotussa
Circa 300-190 BC. Chalkous (Bronze, 14mm, 2.64 g 12). Thessalian helmet to right. Rev. SKOTOU / AIWN Animal (horse or hound) standing to right on club. Rogers 548. Dark greenish- brown patina. Nearly extremely fine. The animal on the reverse of this coin has long been identified as a ram, which would be reasonable except for the fact that it does not have horns, it is also set rather high on its legs and, frankly, does not look like a sheep at all! Given the short head it is most likely a hound, though it could possibly be a rather odd horse.
A note from BCD : BCD thinks that there are short horns (barely visible) on the animal of this coin and also that its skin is somewhat patterned, an attempt to indicate its wooly cover. But this could also be some form of blanket covering the animal, which brings to mind the famous Thessalian racing horse of the time of Demetrios Poliorketes, Qalassompiskoto. Or perhaps not.

Modificato 6 Maggio, 2017 da King John

[King John]

JUDAEA, Jewish War. 66-70 CE. AR Shekel (22mm, 13.53 g, 11h). Dated year 1 (66/7 CE). Omer cup; “1” in Hebrew above,“Shekel of Israel” in Hebrew around / Sprig of three pomegranates; “Jerusalem [the] holy” in Hebrew around. Meshorer 187; Hendin 1354; HGC 10, p.152, A. Near EF, lightly toned.
From the Patrick H. C. Tan Collection. 

ILLUSTRAZIONE: L'ASSEDIO DI MASADA DEL 73 D.C.

[King John]

COINS OF THE JEWS
The Herodians
Herod I, the Great, 40-4
Estimate: CHF 350.00
8 Prutot (AE, 6.48 g 1), Sebaste, year 3 (c. 40-38/7). Helmet with cheek pieces surmounted by a star and flanked by two palm branches. Rev. Tripod with lebes on base; to left, L, to right, monogram of . AJC 1. Bromberg I, 20. Hendin 486(same reverse die). RPC 4901. TJC 44. Attractive earthen patina. Good very fine.
There is a great deal of controversy swirling around this coin. The object on the obverse has been seen as an incense stand, or a pileus on a table, or as a helmet, the identification adopted here; some have viewed the side bearing the tripod as the obverse; and the date is very debatable. Herod was appointed King by the Romans in 40 but only managed to conquer Jerusalem in 37: thus, dating this coin to 37 seems quite reasonable, except that Herod’s year 3 was in 38! Meshorer, and others, date the coin to 40 and suggest that the PT monogram is the abbreviation for Tetrarch, with the result that the whole inscription reads, "King Herod, in his 3rd year as Tetrarch." The RPC rejects this suggestion because it finds it unreasonable for Herod to have retained his previous title after becoming king. For an extensive listing of the tripod dies of this issue (there termed the obverse, see www.menorahcoinproject.org/h_486htm. The one here, as Hendin 486, is R/A-03.

[King John]

MACEDON, Skione. Circa 454/3-423 BC. AR Tetrobol (11mm, 2.83 g, 7h). Attic standard. Male head right, wearing tainia / Helmet right within incuse square. AMNG III/2, 3; SNG ANS –; SNG Copenhagen 319; CNG 63, lot 142 (same dies). VF. Very rare early helmet issue.
The early helmet coinage was apparently struck on the Attic standard, presumable while Skione was a member of the Delian League.

[King John]

Syracuse, vers 425-413 avant J.-C.Sicilie
Tétradrachme, AG 16.63g.
Avers : ΣΥΡΑΚΟ – (ΣΙΟ) – Ν Tête de Perséphone à gauche, quatre dauphins autour.
Revers : Quadrige conduit par un aurige tenant un aiguillon au galop
à gauche ; au-dessus, Nike portant une couronne et volant à droite.
Ref : Gulbenkian 272, Tudeer 2
Conservation : TTB+. Rare

Modificato 8 Maggio, 2017 da King John

[King John]

L'ATTACCO NOTTURNO DEGLI ATENIESI CONTRO I SIRACUSANI DEL 27 AGOSTO 413 A.C.

Siracusa, 27 agosto 413 avanti Cristo. Gli ateniesi sono accampati a sud del Porto Grande, nei paraggi del tempio di Zeus. Gli opliti fremono. Qualcuno infila le cosce dentro le placche di metallo, qualcun altro tira fuori la spada dalla custodia di cuoio. Tutto è pronto per l' offensiva. Il piano messo a punto da Nicia e Demostene prevede un attacco notturno che sfondi una volta per tutte le linee nemiche. E non importa se stanotte c' è un' eclissi totale di luna: Siracusa deve cadere. L' ala destra dell' esercito invasore è tenuta dagli argivi e dai mantinesi, il centro dagli ateniesi, il resto dagli altri alleati. Una metà della formazione viene schierata in avanti su otto linee, l' altra metà, sempre su otto linee, vicino alle tende in quadrato, accanto alle postazioni dei portatori di salmerie. Gli ufficiali hanno studiato a tavolino i punti strategici della città e l' hanno chiusa dal mare, occupando uno dei due porti della città, quello Grande, tra l' isola di Ortigia e il promontorio del Plemmirio. Ora puntano dritti al cuore della città, protetta dalla collina dell' Epipoli che collega l' abitato alla terra ferma. I siracusani, invece, se ne stanno nei dintorni dell' Eurialo, il castello a forma di chiodo dove hanno costruito un contromuro che da est a ovest attraversa il muro ateniese in direzione opposta. Il generale Ghilippo è lì, con i 4000 uomini raccattati in Sicilia e assoldati col denaro dei corinzi. Sedici linee in tutto, che collegano la fortezza alla città. Lungo quest' asse il comandante spartano ha schierato gli alleati: soprattutto gli opliti selinuntini, ma anche i duecento cavalieri di Gela (con quelli siracusani arrivano a 1200) e i cinquanta arcieri di Camarina. La formazione è al gran completo, i lanciatori di giavellotto sono pronti, ma gli assediati hanno paura di Demostene, esperto di fanteria leggera: ha vinto a Sfacteria e combattuto nei terreni impervi della Grecia del nord, dove è quasi impossibile spiegare una falange. All' una di notte gli ateniesi si mettono in marcia verso l' Eurialo. Gli indovini immolano le vittime di rito e i trombettieri suonano la carica per gli opliti. Ghilippo ordina ai suoi di andare incontro al nemico che avanza. Le due falangi si avvicinano, poi si alza una muraglia di scudi e infine si scontrano. Nella mischia le punte delle lance attraversano l' anima di legno degli scudi, e gli scudi cozzano contro le corazze e gli elmi di bronzo. Ormai le colonne ordinate delle due formazioni si sono scompaginate. Quelli che cadono vengono maciullati dai gambali dei compagni delle file posteriori accecati dalla polvere. Ammassati, i soldati combattono corpo a corpo e premono gli uni contro gli altri: di fronte, di fianco e dietro. Alcuni si mordono le labbra per attutire le sofferenze, i feriti all' inguine urlano come diavoli con gli occhi di fuori. Da terra salgono i singhiozzi dei primi moribondi. Rantoli di paura precedono l' entrata delle lance nelle gole dei soldati. Sangue e budella per terra. Intanto, mentre quelli della retroguardia sorvegliano l' avanzata dei loro compagni spingendoli in avanti con gli scudi, le prime file della falange ateniese riescono a crearsi un varco e attaccano di fianco e alle spalle. Vacilla la colonna siracusana. E gli ateniesi tagliano il muro degli assediati, mentre cantano inni di giubilo. Ma la festa finisce quando si rendono conto di dovere combattere con un altro nemico: il buio. Vittime del panico agghiacciante, piccoli gruppi si danno alla fuga, mentre dalle falangi siracusane arriva una pioggia di dardi mortali. Le file ateniesi indietreggiano e si spezzano. Comincia la rotta dei luoghi sconosciuti. Gli opliti scappano, ma il terreno è scosceso e non si vede niente, e loro hanno indosso un armamento pesantissimo. Corrono senza sapere dove, precipitano nelle forre, inciampano sui sassi, rimangono intrappolati tra i vigneti e perdono le armi. I siracusani li raggiungono e li ammazzano. Senza pietà. Il piano di Demostene rotola con le corazze dei suoi uomini, e il comandante ateniese capisce che bisogna andare via. In fretta i soldati caricano le navi. Ma non c' è luna in cielo, e il superstizioso Nicia decide di aspettare. Si leva un grido: non si parte. Allora le navi vengono ritirate in secco e scaricate. Ma i siracusani capiscono il gioco. E siccome non sono ancora sazi, decidono di ripartire all' attacco. A maggior ragione che il Plemmirio è tutto nelle mani di Ghilippo, e che non c' è via di scampo per gli ateniesi, bloccati con le loro navi in una rada chiusa da due punte controllate dal nemico: Ortigia da una parte, il Plemmirio dall' altra. I siracusani hanno sbarrato l' imboccatura del Porto Grande, otto stadi in tutto, ormeggiando con le ancore una sfilza di triremi, zattere e battelli di traverso. Le triremi di Nicia sono logore. Ci sarebbero le 73 di Demostene, ma gli ateniesi hanno di fronte consumati marinai. Infatti Ghilippo capisce che nelle acque chiuse del Porto Grande lo speronamento prua contro prua distruggerebbe le navi di entrambi gli schieramenti. Così ordina di modificare le triremi, rinforzando la prua e costruendo delle specie di arieti galleggianti per colpire frontalmente le navi dei nemici senza distruggere le proprie. Scacco matto. Alle tre di notte gli ateniesi si avvicinano allo sbarramento, e con uno slancio improvviso provano a spezzare il blocco. Niente da fare, le triremi corazzate dei siracusani riescono a schiantare le prue di quelle ateniesi. Non c' è libertà di manovra, non è possibile far volteggiare in acqua le navi, e quando una di esse si avvicina, dal ponte delle navi nemiche piombano raffiche micidiali di giavellotti, dardi e pietre. Comunque gli ateniesi decidono di riprovare, utilizzando stavolta degli uncini di ferro per agganciare le navi. Ma anche il secondo tentativo fallisce: sulle parti superiori delle loro imbarcazioni i siracusani hanno steso pelli scivolose di animale, e l' urto delle navi impedisce ai marinai di sentire gli ordini dei regolatori. È l' alba. Riprovano ancora. Pronti, via. È l' ultimo assalto. Disperato più degli altri. Inutile come gli altri. Niciae Demostene corrono come dei pazzi sul bagnasciuga e chiamano i soldati col nome del padre e con quello delle tribù, esortandoli a non tradire la patria e i loro antenati: gli equipaggi sono sordi. È un incubo. Non rimane che fuggire a piedi, verso l' amica Catania, e siccome gli opliti non hanno la forza di aprirsi la stradaa nord, Demostene ordina la fuga verso sud. Il sole è alto. I siracusani hanno già elevato un trofeo. Con le lacrime agli occhi, Nicia e Demostene si mettono in marcia alla testa dei loro uomini. Ma i siracusani hanno ancora fame. E Ghilippo, che capisce la mossa, manda la velocissima cavalleria a precede gli invasori e a controllare tutti i passaggi. I contingenti ateniesi si allontanano senza volerlo l' uno dall' altro. Alle prime ore del pomeriggio, Demostene si arrende. Nicia, invece, continua la sua marcia nelle campagne a sud di Siracusa inseguito dai siracusani. Poi i suoi uomini sbandano. Il caldo è infernale. Hanno sete. E quando, al tramonto, scorgono l' Assinaro, rompono le file e, coi piedi sanguinanti, corrono all' impazzata verso il fiume: cadono gli uni sopra gli altri e muoiono schiantati sulle lance e sui bagagli. Nessuno pensa alla difesa, e comincia la carneficina. Nicia si butta ai piedi di Ghilippo, gli consegna il suo scudo color porpora e oro e lo supplica di fermare il massacro. Ma ormai è troppo tardi. Il fiume è un cimitero che scorre.

Da Repubblica.it: http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/06/18/assedio-ateniesi-degli.html

Modificato 8 Maggio, 2017 da King John

[King John]

Phrygia, Kibyra AR Drachm. Circa 166-84 BC. Young male head right, wearing crested helmet / Helmeted and cuirassed horseman galloping right, wielding spear and shield; ΚΙΒΥΡAΤΩΝ below. SNG Copenhagen 263; SNG von Aulock 3702; HGC 7, 706. 3.40g, 20mm, 12h.
Extremely Fine.

[King John]

PHRYGIA, Eumeneia. Pseudo-autonomous issue. 2nd-3rd centuries AD. Æ (18mm, 2.35 g, 6h). Turreted and draped bust of Tyche right / Hero standing left, holding bipennis, sacrificing from phiale over lighted altar. SNG Copenhagen -; SNG von Aulock -; SNG München -; Imhoof-Blumer, KM p. 229, 4. Good VF, brown patina.
From the J.P. Righetti Collection, 9657. 

[King John]

Sicily
Segesta
Estimate: CHF 24'000.00
Tetradrachm (Silver, 17.05 g 10), c. 400. The hunter Aigistes, nude but for a chlamys over his left arm and hat hanging down from the back of his neck, standing right, his left foot propped on a rock, holding two spears in his left hand and with his sword suspended from belt going across his shoulders; to right, two hunting dogs prowling towards a herm standing left on the far right (here off the flan). Rev. [] Head of the nymph Segesta to right, wearing pendant earring and pearl necklace, and with her hair bound up in an ampyx and a saccos ornamented with stars; below and to left, stalk of grain. De Hirsch 523. Kraay/Hirmer 203. Lederer 6. Rizzo pl. LXII, 13. Very rare. Minor scratch on the obverse and slight reverse flatness, otherwise, extremely fine.

[King John]

TROAS, Ilium. Commodus
Estimate $6000
TROAS, Ilium. Commodus. 180-192 AD. Æ 38mm (2.89 gm). AV KAI M AVRH KOMMOÐOC, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right / ILIEWN in exergue, Ganymede, wearing Phrygian helmet, seated left on pile of rocks, giving cup to eagle who grasps it with his left claw and drinks from it; tree behind. Bellinger T186; Von Fritze, "Münzen von Ilion" in Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion II, 76; SNG Copenhagen 411; Cornell 101 (this coin). Good VF, dark green patina with light earthen encrustation around the devices, some corrosion. ($6000) From the David Simpson Collection. Ex Bank Leu Auktion 30 (28 April 1982), lot 395.
The Roman emperors followed Caesar's example in patronising Ilium and its temples because of the legend that the founders of Rome were of Trojan origin. The Roman provincial coinage of the city has an exceptionally large variety of types chiefly relating to Athena Ilias and the heroes of the Trojan War. Some of the types, such as Ganymede above, may well represent monuments that actually existed in Ilium. Ganymede was the son of Tros, founder of Troy, or of Laomedon, father of the Trojan king Priam. A youth of great beauty, he was abducted by the gods, to live with them and to be cup-bearer to Zeus, in place of Hebe. Later writers say that Zeus, in love with Ganymede, disguised himself as an eagle and carried him off to be his eromenos and set him in the sky as the constellation of Aquarius, the water-carrier. This myth was extremely popular in Greece and Rome and gave religious respectability to homosexuality, for which the Greeks and Romans had neither a separate conception nor word until the arrival of Christianity.

[King John]

ELEKTRONMüNZEN AUS KLEINASIEN
Eine süddeutsche Spezialsammlung
FRüHE PRäGUNGEN AUS IONIEN
Unbestimmter Münzfuss
No.: 72
Schätzpreis - Estimation EUR 380,-
Elektron-Hemihekte (Zwölftelstater ?), 450-400. Sirene mit geschwungenen Flügeln n. r. stehend, mit beiden Händen ein Tympanon haltend. Rv. Täniengeschmücktes Bukranion. 0,96 g. Rosen 369. Sehr selten.
Sehr schön
Aus Slg. J.P. Rosen.

[King John]

ISLANDS off IONIA, Samos. Otacilia Severa. Augusta, AD 244-249. Æ (29mm, 10.42 g, 6h). Draped bust right, wearing stephane / Warrior advancing right, head left, with left foot on small prow, extending right hand and holding shield in left. BMC 325 var. (arrangement of rev. legend); SNG Copenhagen 1769 var. (same). VF, green patina. Rare. From the collection of Alexandre Carathéodory Pasha (1833-1906).CNG is pleased to present selections from the collection of Alexandre Carathéodory Pasha, a leading statesman in the Ottoman Empire, whose interest in collecting ancient coins was inspired by his meeting with the French diplomat and numismatist William-Henri Waddington at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Twenty Greek coins of the Eastern Aegean and Western Asia Minor are being offered in CNG 99, and the majority of the collection is being offered in CNG Electronic Auction 351, which runs concurrently with CNG 99 and closes on 20 May 2015.Alexandre Carathéodory Pasha (or Karatheodory; in Greek: Αλέξανδρος Καραθεοδωρή; 1833–1906) was a prominent Greek scholar, diplomat, and statesman in the Ottoman Empire. Carathéodory was born in Constantinople to an eminent Constantinople Phanariot family. His father, Stefanos Carathéodory, was the personal physician to Sultans Mahmud II and Abdul-Aziz. His mother’s ancestors, the Mavrocordatos and Mourousis, had for centuries served as Princes of Moldavia and Wallachia.After obtaining a doctoral degree from the Paris Faculty of Law, Carathéodory pursued a career in the public service of the Ottoman Empire. In 1874, he was appointed ambassador to Rome. In 1878, as Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, he participated in the preliminary negotiations with Russia that led to the Treaty of San Stefano, ending the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Later that same year, Sultan Abdul-Hamid II dispatched Carathéodory to Germany as head of the Ottoman delegation to the Congress of Berlin. His skillful negotiations with various European statesmen, including Bismarck, Disraeli, Salisbury, and Gorchakov, resulted in the revision of the San Stefano peace terms in favor of the Ottoman Empire (Treaty of Berlin, 1878). Disraeli characterized Carathéodory as “full of finesse and yet calm and plausible.” During the Berlin negotiations, he had the opportunity to discover in his French counterpart, William-Henri Waddington, a common interest in ancient Greek culture and civilization. Waddington told Carathéodory of his archaeological pursuits and the collection of ancient coins he had assembled in Asia Minor.Upon his return to Turkey, Carathéodory was appointed Governor-General of Crete with the task of calming the escalating tensions between the island’s Christian and Muslim inhabitants in a situation that was approaching civil war. Soon, however, he was called back to Constantinople, where he became Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Ottoman Empire (1878-1879). He was the only Greek to ever occupy such a prominent position. In 1884, the Sultan appointed him Prince of the autonomous Greek island of Samos (1885-1894). It is during those nine years, and inspired by Waddington’s enthusiasm for ancient coins, that he took up coin collecting and amassed the present collection.In addition to his political career and historical pursuits, Carathéodory translated from Arabic to French the Traité du Quadrilatère, attribué à Nassiruddin-El-Tussin, a seminal work on the mathematics of the 13th-century Persian astronomer. He also authored research papers and scholarly essays on Aristotle’s Meteorology, Homeric studies, as well as a series of mathematics theses that are still in use. Their shared interest in mathematics forged a bond with his nephew, Constantine Carathéodory, a professor of mathematics at the University of Munich, who contributed to the research of thermodynamics and the development of Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity (vide Encyclopaedia Britannica).In 1895, amid renewed religious and social tensions in Crete, Abdul Hamid II appointed Carathéodory as Governor of the island for a second time. Unsuccessful once again in restoring order, Carathéodory resigned the post in December of the same year and was appointed First Translator to H.I.M. the Sultan. In his book, Constantinople, City of the World’s Desire, Philip Mansel notes that Abdul Hamid called Carathéodory “a man with remarkable ability, not only the cleverest diplomat in Turkey, but one of the cleverest in Europe.” In 1901, Carathéodory attended the funeral of Queen Victoria as a member of the Ottoman delegation. This was his last official assignment.His funeral in 1906, in Constantinople, was officiated by the Patriarch and all the Holy Synod. It marked, according to Mansel, the end of the Phanariot tradition begun by his Mavrocordato ancestors. In 1923 his children and grandchildren left Turkey. Some of them settled in Greece, others in Egypt, Switzerland, and Belgium.The present coin collection was passed on to Catherine Pilavachi-Carathéodory, who was the daughter of Stefanos A. Carathéodory, the eldest son of Alexandre Carathéodory Pasha. Catherine and her family left Egypt for Lausanne, Switzerland in 1961. The collection was inherited by Catherine’s son and Alexander’s great-grandson, Paul Pilavachi, who is its current owner.

[King John]

L'ASSEDIO ROMANO DI ATENE

Attica, Athens AR New Style Tetradrachm. Issue of Sulla, circa 86-84 BC. Helmeted head of Athena right / Owl standing right on amphora, monogram left and right, A on Amphora; all within wreath. Thompson 1313; Svoronos pl. 78, 11. 16.71g, 30mm, 12h. Extremely Fine, attractively toned. Rare. Ex CNG 64, 24 September 2003, lot 212. In the First Mithradatic War the Roman forces under Sulla first directed their attention to the city of Athens, which was then ruled by the tyrant Aristion, a puppet of Mithradates. Upon his arrival, Sulla threw up earthworks encompassing not only the city but also the port of Piraeos. Despite several attempts by Archelaos, the Mithradatic commander in Asia, to raise the siege, Athens remained firmly blockaded. During the year or so of siege, Sulla stripped shrines and Sibyls alike of wealth to fund his war effort. From these and other sources of precious metal Sulla appears to have chosen to strike a currency that would be familiar and acceptable to the surrounding regions. The monogram series seem to have been the first issue, for which Thompson suggested a starting date of 86 BC, after Sulla captured Athens. Another series displaying a trophy are regarded as the second issue, and presumably were struck shortly before Sulla left Athens to return to Rome. It has been suggested however that Sulla would have also struck coins of Athenian type during the period of the siege itself, a sensible notion that would seem to make the trophy series fitting for a post-siege issue.

[King John]

UNBESTIMMTE MÜNZSTÄTTE. Triobol. 490-480. Geflügelte Gestalt im Knielauf l. Rs: Harpyie steht r. in Quadratum incusum. SNG v. A -. Klein -. SNG Keckmann -. Rosen -. H.A. Troxell, Essays M. Thompson Taf. 31,39. 2,85g. L. korr. RRR   ss

[King John]

Sextus Pompey AR Denarius. Uncertain mint in Sicily (Catania?), 42-40 BC. MAG PIVS IMP ITER, diademed and bearded head of Neptune right; trident over left shoulder / Naval trophy set on anchor, top of trident visible above helmet; the arms composed of the stem of a prow in right and aplustre in left; two heads of Scylla at base; PRAEF CLAS ET ORAE MARIT EX S C around. Crawford 511/2a; RSC 1a; Sydenham 1347; Sear 333. 3.60g, 18mm, 12h. Usual flatness from striking, otherwise Good Extremely Fine. Beautifully toned and superb for the issue. It has been remarked that the coinage of Sextus Pompey was a step towards the propagandistic issues of the Roman emperors. Having decided upon an affinity with Neptune, he minted a series of coins depicting the god and continuing his theme of pietas. This virtue was highly valued in Roman society; the city's founder Aeneas' epithet is pius and tradition details that his piety was three-fold; to his father, his homeland and the gods. Pompey was not the only imperator to draw upon the Aeneas myth on his coinage (see Crawford 458/1), however he was unique in commandeering a theme and using it repeatedly. His earliest denarii feature a personification of the goddess Pietas (Crawford 477/1a), but references become subtler and more complex on later issues as per the present example. Here, Pompey Magnus is remembered within the obverse legend, with Pietas also explicitly referenced. Sextus Pompey does not allow us to forget that it was the Senate who declared him praefectus classis et orae maritima, tying his patriotism in neatly. This military title lends itself obviously to Neptune, whose portrait is displayed on the obverse. The naval trophy not only alludes to Pompey's naval victories but also to his piety towards Neptune to whom he is reported to have sacrificed 100 bulls and in whose honour a live horse was flung into the sea, along with an offering of gold (Florus 2.18.3).

[King John]

Servius Sulpicius AR Denarius. Rome, 51 BC. Laureate male head right, SER behind, SVLP before / Naval trophy; naked and bound captive on right, draped figure looking on to left. Crawford 438/1; Sydenham 931; Sulpicia 8. 3.66g, 20mm, 12h.
Very Fine, attractive old cabinet tone. Shallow impression on obverse where Gonzaga countermark was previously inlaid.
From the Andrew McCabe Collection;
Ex Classical Numismatic Group Auction 37, 20 March 1996, lot 1306;
Ex Sotheby's, Roman Coins from the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland, K.G., G.C.V.O., F.R.S. Removed from Alnwick Castle, 4 November 1982, lot 389;
Ex Gonzaga Collection.
Catalogued by Rear-Admiral William Henry Smyth in 1856 (Descriptive Catalogue of a Cabinet of Roman Family Coins belonging to the Duke of Northumberland, Tablet XV, pg. 234, no. 13).
The eagle previously inlaid on the obverse of this coin was the collection mark of the Gonzaga family, the rulers of Mantua. The vast Gonzaga art collection was the culmination of artistic patronage and collecting pursued by generations of this Mantuan family during the 15th and 16th centuries. Perhaps the most notable patron of the family was Isabella d'Este, Marchioness of Mantua from 1490, one of the most committed Renaissance collectors and descendant of the ruling family of neighbouring city state, Ferrera. Through Isabella, the impressive coin collection of the Gonzaga's may have also contained coins previously belonging to the Este family, whose dynasty ended in the absence of any legitimate heir, resulting in the annexing of Ferrera by the Papal States and the sale of the family’s assets. Despite this, the Gonzaga's befell a similar fate in the early 17th century, when Imperial German Troops sacked the Ducal Palace during a dispute over Gonzaga succession, resulting in the rapid dispersal of their collection. This coin therefore, is likely to have been part of the Gonzaga collection before the start of the war of Mantuan succession in 1628, and may have been part of a major European collection much earlier.

[King John]

ANCIENT COINS
ROMAN COINS
ROMAN REPUBLIC
No.: 260
Estimation: $ 120.-
d=18 mm
Q. Marcius Philippus. Denarius, 129. AR 3.81 g. Head of Roma with winged helmet r.; behind, mark of value *. Rev. Q. PILIPVS / ROMA Horseman galloping r.; wearing crested helmet, holding reins and spear; behind, Macedonian king's helmet with goat's horn. Cr. 259/1. Syd. 477. Seaby Marcia 11. Very fine to extremely fine.

 

[King John]

KINGS of MACEDON. Antigonos II Gonatas. 277/6-239 BC. Æ 19mm (7.11 g, 12h). Uncertain Macedonian mint. Helmeted head of Athena right / Pan standing right, erecting trophy; monogram between legs, monogram above winged helmet in left field, wreath in right field. SNG Alpha Bank 1017-9 var. (controls). VF, green patina.

 

[King John]

Trajan. AD 98-117. AR Denarius (19mm, 3.45 g, 6h). Rome mint. Struck circa AD 107. Laureate bust right, slight drapery on shoulder / Trophy on tree stump with one round shield, two hexagonal shields; at base, two javelins, two shields, and a sword. RIC II 226; Woytek 231b; RSC 571; BMCRE 250. Near EF, lightly toned, traces of minor deposits.

[King John]

Septimius Severus. AD 193-211. AR Denarius (18mm, 3.17 g, 12h). Rome mint. Struck AD 195. Laureate head right / Two captives seated back-to-back on round shields; between them, a trophy. RIC IV 63; RSC 365. EF.